The Arab League was founded in , has 22 members and four observer members: Brazil, Eritrea, India and Venezuela. Turkey and Iran have also both. One of America's leading Arabists has written a first-rate book on Jordan and its ties to other Arab states. In doing so, she has also underscored the importance. quently, the report focuses on inter-Arab conflict contingencies, but gives some antagonistic relations with the monarchies in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and en-.
Columbia University Press, Laurie Brand, a professor of international relations at the University of Southern California, has a talent for approaching her subjects from unique perspectives. She first did so in Palestinians in the Arab World Columbia University Press, which traced the reemergence of Palestinian nationalism by examining Palestinian's sociopolitical institutions in Egypt, Kuwait and Jordan.
In her most recent work, Jordan s Inter-Arab Relations, Brand explores her subject from an equally original vantage point and in turn presents a fresh examination of Jordan's ties with key Arab states. Her purpose in examining Amman's bilateral ties with these five Arab neighbors is to understand alliance shifts. Tired of the conventional wisdom that explained Jordanian foreign policy through the lens of domestic politics usually the Palestinian factor or as a search for security either through a regional balance of power or bandwagoning against a threatBrand seeks a more complete explanation.
For example, why did the kingdom seek rapprochement with Damascus in only to move closer to Syria's regional adversary Iraq by ? Why was Jordan the first Arab state to reopen official diplomatic links with Egypt a mere five years after the Camp David accords and long before the Arab consensus?
In pursuing more complete answers to these questions, Brand puts her broad international-relations background to work.
Arab Cold War - Wikipedia
By bridging two subfields of political science, security studies and political economy, the author posits expanding the concept of security to include challenges to the domestic economy. She labels this approach "budget security. In other words, one of Jordan's foremost priorities is to seek financial solvency in order to pay the bills, cultivate domestic support and stability, and keep the Hashemite regime intact. Consequently, Amman's alliances with its Arab neighbors as well as shifts in those alliances stem from this economic agenda.
However, even short of a crisis situation, a leadership may still choose an alliance strategy as a means of addressing a particular pressing economic need: In either case, the alliance or alignment decision should be understood as constituting a means of ensuring or reinforcing financial solvency, which has a direct impact on the security of the leadership or the regime p.
Foreign relations of the Arab League
According to Brand, Jordan has the following economic characteristics: In short, Jordan has lived above its means in order to maintain domestic stability. Furthermore from its inception in the s as a ward of Great Britain until the period under study in Brand's work, the kingdom has relied heavily on outside generosity to survive fiscally. It is this foreign support and Amman's overall economic relations with five Arab states that Brand weds together to explain the concept of Jordan's budget security.
Each of Brand's case studies is explored in separate chapters. As Saudi and Kuwaiti ties with Jordan are similar, they can be discussed jointly here.
Not surprisingly, these connections largely focus on the issue of aid. Bythe two Gulf kingdoms were supplying almost 40 percent of all budgetary aid to Jordan in the form of grants, low-interest loans or subsidized oil. In addition, citizens of Jordan most were Palestinians with Jordanian citizenship worked in the Gulf sending remittances home.
This infusion of hard currency added to Jordan's budget security. Exported laborers also eased pressures on the domestic labor market, thus contributing to internal stability as well. The return for this aid was a "stable Jordan," which Brand notes, was viewed as key to Saudi and Kuwaiti security p. The Hashemite Kingdom served as a buffer for the Gulf from both the dangers of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the threat of radical ideologies.
To preserve Jordan as a conservative regime, the Gulf states "paid well, although not as well as the Jordanians By the mid-l s, both Saudi Arabia and Kuwait began to dramatically decrease the amount of aid given to Jordan. This shift in policy was caused by the expenditures associated with the Iran-Iraq War as well as the fall in oil prices.
Jordan was forced to increase its external borrowing, contributing to its domestic economic turmoil starting in The altered relationships with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are also instrumental in understanding Jordan's alignment with Syria. The kingdom's economic statecraft with Syria clusters around two issues: The first Jordanian goal derives from Syria's border closure to transit trade following the Jordanian Palestinian civil war of the border would not be reopened until late This action had grave economic effects on Jordan.
Brand holds that Amman's strategy after was to strengthen the economic interdependence between the two states to such a point that future political differences would not impact upon Jordan's economic livelihood.
She presents ample evidence to suggest that Jordan was largely successful in this endeavor.
In respect to the second goal of a united front against the Gulf states, Brand writes: Unified ranks in solicitation of funds was no doubt a more successful strategy than going it alone; in the same vein, effectively threatening the Gulf states with a political unification project [in ] As long as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait had the means to pay, the joint strategy by Damascus and Amman seemed to work. Brand believes that, at least from the Jordanian perspective, the proposed merger with Syria was a ruse to keep the Gulf payments coming.
Because the Syrian-Jordanian relationship was built largely on being similarly aid-dependent, other sources of aid, namely those from Syria's Baathist rival in Iraq, placed strains on bilateral ties.
Arab Cold War
When Amman could no longer balance its alliances with Damascus and Baghdad, "Jordan chose Iraq for sound financial, budget-security reasons" p.
There are over 20 million Arabs living in Latin America, with Brazil containing over half of that number. The Arab-Latin American relations are concentrated mainly on Energy and Trade, strengthening ties between the two regions.
Arab and Latin American economies are complementary. Latin America has developed high-tech skills and industries that will find ready markets in the Arab world as will its agricultural production. But Latin America is also energy-hungry and a ready market for Arab oil and downstream petrochemicals. They also have other common interests, not just a desire to see the elimination of the subsidies that allow European and American farmers to destroy the livelihoods of their counterparts elsewhere in the world.
In an increasingly global economy, both want to avoid domination by the multinationals. Yet the summit remained focused on politics rather than economics, with a joint call on Israel to dismantle settlements, concern about US sanctions against Syriaa call for UN reform, and Arab support for Argentina 's position on the Falkland Islands. Developing business relations between the Arab world and South America will provide an invaluable balance to both regions' overdependence on Europe, the U.
Venezuela[ edit ] Venezuela has a large Arab population from Lebanon and Palestinehas supported the Palestinian Cause, and is one of two Latin American countries to cut off ties with Israel the other being Bolivia. It was granted observer status in the Arab League in It does, however have a sizeable amount of people claiming Arab descent.