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Guide It will be moderated by (from left) news anchor Ricky Carandang, senior Tony Velasquez and Ces Drilon will be stationed in live points at Siliman . Sharon Cuneta reveals important detail about relationship with. Learn more about "Ricky-Carandang" on yogada.info History Drilon– Carandang era It was first aired on March 1, , with Ces . A-E Name Positions held / Career / Achievement Relationship toAteneo de Manila Ref. .. 14°26′N °29′E / °N °E in a cove at the southern tip of the Bataan Peninsula. Ces opted to have the interview at a farm in Tanauan, Batangas owned by her partner Ricky Carandang. “So that the dogs can run freely,” she.
But I am also a Filipino, who felt indignant at the way they killed Aquino. It was most repugnant for me to see a patriot being murdered in broad daylight. My Japanese boss saw how I felt.
He did not say a word, although I felt he sympathized with me. He allowed some minutes for me to compose myself out of respect for my feeling. By 8 am the next day, I was in the office for another day of grinding, hard work. In the Philippines, hundreds of thousands of people lined the streets of Manila on August 31 for the funeral of opposition leader Benigno Aquino, who was murdered when he arrived home from self-exile ten days earlier.
Crowds carrying anti-government placards followed the coffin in a procession which stretched for nearly four kilometres two miles. Police deliberately kept a low profile, although riot squads were said to be on standby.
No incidents were reported, despite the number of mourners who escorted the garlanded coffin, borne on a ten-wheel truck, along its 27 kilometre mile route to a cemetery south of the capital, Manila. The crowds were so dense that the journey lasted for nearly twelve hours. About one thousand people attended the affair and experienced the miracle-working power of God!
Encouraged by the success of the rally, Bro. Some time later, as more people came to be led back to the Lord Jesus Christ, the rally was held weekly. Mike at Amorsolo St.
After a while, Bro. Mike decided to air his program three times a week and began thinking of a new title and theme song for it. He made a study of the meaning of the term and discovered that it was one of the seven Covenant Names, by which God the Father revealed Himself to Israel.
At this point, he realized that God wanted His Holy and Almighty Name to be proclaimed and made known throughout the world. Some prayer- partners even volunteered to serve without compensation. Inspired by the outcome of events, Bro. Mike thought it was time to formally organize the community. It was organized, primarily, as an institution where Bro. Mike could channel his tithes and donations derived from his real estate business and other companies to support the religious activities of various Catholic charismatic groups and some projects of charitable organizations.
These however were not enough to support the expenses of the newly-founded charismatic community, especially the radio programs of DWXI and the Mass and Healing Rallies. And so, he had to continue shelling out funds from his own personal earnings. For him, though, it was a great enough blessing from El Shaddai that his radio listeners came to know Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour and were receiving answers to their prayer-requests.
Inthe first overseas chapter of the Foundation was established in Hong Kong. It started when Bro. Joseph Church on May After the meeting, a group of seven Filipino prayer-partners working there and who were at the affair bonded together and held their initial prayer-meeting at the Jones Health Club, a gym formerly owned by Bro.
Tessie Wong at North Point, drawing thirty persons. On August 7, the group invited Bro. Mike, together with Rev. An estimated people attended the affair. These were formed by Filipino prayer-partners working abroad, who were motivated by the desire to bear witness to the love and goodness of El Shaddai. On that occasion, Bishop Bacani was beside Bro. Mike, not to defend him, but to bear witness to what God was doing through the Foundation. The result of the meeting was satisfactory because most of the questions asked were clearly and humbly answered by Bro.
This event paved the way for the recognition of the chapters of the Foundation by several dioceses and parishes of the Roman Catholic Church.
It also initiated the launching of its Back-to-the-Parish program.
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As you read on, you will discover how the Foundation has grown dramatically through the years. Mike Velarde as speaker. On the second quarter ofthe Foundation held Catholic Life-in-the-Spirit Seminars and fellowships in the following places: Following this, even more people attended the succeeding seminars, so they had to be conducted in three shifts until the FAT itself could no longer hold the crowds. Despite allegations of fraud on the KBL side, her candidates won 56 seats out of In November, Marcos underwent a second renal transplant.
Rumors of Marcos dying and Ver taking over were rife. Enrile began to admit publicly that he would like to be president in the future, when Marcos was no longer interested. February — Ver et al stood trial before the Sandigan Bayan for the Aquino assassination. In his speech to the graduating class the next day, Ramos confirmed the need for reforms and proposed sweeping changes to strengthen the demoralized military in the face of a mounting Communist insurgency.
Brown concluded that one of the few promising developments was the emergence of the RAM, a group that the Pentagon and CIA happened to be quietly encouraging. October — In Washington D. Lansdale discussed 2 questions: A week later, Cory agreed to run if 1 Marcos called snap elections, and 2 if the CAPM gathered the promised million signatures. November 3 Marcos declared on American television that he would run in snap presidential polls three months hence. November 19, the Batasan Pambansa set February 7 as the date for the snap polls.
November 30, Cory was presented with more than a million signatures drafting her as presidential contender. December 2 Ver et al were acquitted by the Sandigan Bayan of complicity in the Aquino assassination. December 23, the Communist Party of the Philippines sounded the call to boycott the snap elections.
Meanwhile, in separate meetings, key officers sketched Cory Aquino and Fidel Ramos their coup plans. The reformist military tried, and failed, to convince Cory that she had no chance of winning at the polls. February 4 A member bi-partisan delegation of US senators, congressmen, and private citizens arrived in Manila to monitor the elections.
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At least five banks, known to have ties with the Marcos regime, experienced a run. February 7 Election Day. Broadcast alerts over Radio Veritas urged volunteers into troubled areas to stop ballot boxes from being stolen or tampered with. She vowed massive protests and daily street demonstrations if cheated.
February 9 Led by Linda Kapunan, thirty computer technicians manning the COMELEC tabulation machines walked out of their posts in protest over alleged deliberate changing of election results. A multinational team of observers cited cases of vote-buying, intimidation, snatching of ballot boxes, tampered election returns, and the disenfranchisement of thousands of voters, specially in Metro Manila, by the ruling party.
February 10 Defense Minister Enrile warned of greater political instability. February 11 Laban leader Evelio Javier, former governor of Antique, was gunned down in broad daylight. The Batasan Pambansa formally began the canvass of election returns. February 13, President Marcos took a virtually irreversible lead over opposition candidate Corazon C. Statistical improbabilities were also cited.
February 15, The Batasan Pambansa formally proclaimed Marcos winner of the February 7 elections; all 50 opposition Members of Parliament walked out in protest. Trade Minister Roberto Ongpin, speaking for the economic technocrats, assured Marcos of support if he undertook reforms in military, political, and economic areas; Marcos signed an agreement to the effect.
Philip Habib arrived in Manila. Ramos would serve as Chief of Staff. Habib met with Marcos, then with Cory. She announced that she would go around the country to sound her call for civil disobedience and non-violent protest actions; her first stops, Cebu and Davao, the coming weekend. Habib also met privately with Ramos and Enrile over the next few days. Crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard by the boycott. San Miguel-A shares went down to as low as P Not far behind in financial fiasco was the beverage industry.
Beer quaffers had suddenly shifted to gin or hard drinks. A small number also stopped drinking Pepsi Cola, Seven-Up and Mirinda, thinking that these softdrinks were also under the control of a crony. February 18, The peso fell to P Irwin Ver placed the Presidential Security Command on red alert.
Secretary of State Paul H. RAM set the coup for Sunday, February 23, at 2: Almonte detailed the plans to Gen.Ricky Carandang and Ces Drilon together... soon on ANC!
Enrile received information that Ver had ordered his men to prepare for a series of arrests; he wrote a letter of resignation which he said he would deliver to Malacanang the following Monday. Aquino said she would fly to Cebu as scheduled Saturday morning to pursue her civil disobedience campaign. The five were putting final touches to a speech Enrile planned to read 36 hours later over national radio and television.
Enrile would proclaim himself head of a ruling junta, the National Reconciliation Council, just after rebel troops assaulted the Palace at 2: Eduardo Kapunan and Col.
Victor Batac, were the masterminds of the attack plans. Veritas Special Edition Oct 86 Unknown to Honasan, one of his moles in Malacanang Palace had been leaking top-secret details of the coup plot to the Vers. In January, Honasan had pressured an officer on the staff of the Presidential Security command into acting as an agent within the Palace.
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Irwin Ver, who immediately passed on the astonishing information to his father, the general. The Vers turned the jittery Doromal into a double agent, and he channeled accurate, up-to-date information to them. The Palace was the responsibility of Col. Lieutenant Colonel Rexor Ver headed the Presidential Security Unit of men, whose primary mission was to provide close-in security to the First Family.
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The Pasig River from its mouth at Manila Bay to Guadalupe, about 2 kilometers from the Palace, was secured by a Philippine Navy unit composed of 6 patrol crafts, 2 frigates, a demolition team, and ferry boats. This mobile unit of men took care of choke points at the Ayala-Lozano approach, the Sta. The unit was also assigned to provide the palace with in-depth defense. All in all they had 3, fully armed officers and men. Acting on orders from Marcos, who was in command, Ver announced to his generals that he would let Col.
Ver was turning the palace into a death trap. In a garishly theatrical touch, the river was to be lit up with spotlights as Honasan and his men crossed in their boats. Alamos Alabe, a graduate of the Philippine Military Academny and detailed with the Linsi Security Agency, managed to talk his way out of Fort Bonifacio, claiming he was not a member of the military. The would-be rebels stared blankly. Veritas Special Oct 86 Honasan and Kapunan had left the meeting earlier to make a final reconnaissance of the approaches to the Palace.
By dawn, it was clear that they had been betrayed. We planned the whole action mainly under two offices: In the Philippines, adjustment entailed bringing down the effective rate of protection for manufacturing from 44 to 20 percent.
Instead of invigorating the economy, however, this shock liberalization combined with the international recession of the early eighties to bring about deep economic contraction in to Indeed, structural adjustment led not only to deindustrialization; according to one study, it also created so much unemployment that migration patterns changed drastically.
The large migration flows to Manila declined, and most migrants could turn only to open access forests, watersheds, and artisanal fisheries. Thus the major environmental effect of the economic crisis was overexploitation of these vulnerable resources. Adjustment led to a decade of stagnation from which the country never really recovered, even as its neighbors, who were smart enough to avoid being saddled with the program, were registering 6 to 10 per cent growth rates in Familiar Ending Yet there was one unintended benefit for the country: By that time, McNamara had been out of the Bank for five years.
Ensconced in retirement, he must, however, have seen parallels between the last US helicopters leaving Saigon in and Marcos being transported to exile in Hawaii in a US aircraft in He is also a retired professor of sociology at the University of the Philippines and senior analyst at the Bangkok-based analysis and advocacy institute Focus on the Global South.
He is the author or co-author of 15 books, including the Marcos era classic Development Debacle: Joescoundrel From John Nery of the Inquirer And when she died on Saturday, from colon cancer at the age of 76, Filipinos grieved as though they had just lost one. Surely we have had living saints before, in the sense that Caloy described and that Cory would have understood: My own list would include two exemplary religious three centuries apart: Cory was perceived by many to have the qualities of a saint.
This emphasis on wide reputation makes sense, in the light of an intriguing note I also read on Facebook, readily dismissing the possibility that Cory was a saint. I am certainly no expert on saints, my perspective merely being that of an ordinary layman. But how do we know that Cory was not, in fact, a saint? Before I answer my own question, let me introduce a passage from a column written the day Cory died by another colleague and friend, Patricia Evangelista.
They are human, their faults are their own, and their extraordinariness is not in their perfection, but in their struggle. My interest is in the assumption Pat brings to her argument: But who says saintliness is perfection? If saintliness were perfection, then saints would be useless to the Church.
In the Catechism of the Catholic Church, we read: Pat adverts to the Hacienda Luisita killings in I had thought it would be difficult to write this today, knowing what I know of Hacienda Luisita, looking over old interviews with Federico Laza, the father who saw his son shot before his eyes. I have written about the documentary Partition: The Day India Burnedin Inquirer Current but here it is, again, for you to view and because it places in context the points I want to raise at this point.
Find more videos like this on www. In the case of British India, the leaders of the Hindu majority proved incapable of reaching an agreement with the Muslim minority because while the Muslims proposed a state with weak national powers, the Hindus were set on establishing a state with strong central powers.
The British proved too weakened by war to arbitrate or impose their will. They even had to abandon the Princely States, the various principalities that had directly established relations with the British Crown. I will return to some points concerning the Indian experience but for now, you may want to familiarize yourself with two Wikipedia articles, as good a start as any: Partition of India and Political integration of India additional question: If you recall the arguments made by some Muslim warlords concerning the elections, they insisted that their culture stresses obedience to those in authority, and so they essentially practice bloc voting.
Last week, my co-Delegate, Mr. Cabili, spoke about the extension of suffrage to Mindanao and Sulu. With respect to that, I think the Delegates representing Mindanao and Sulu should be asked as to whether complete suffrage should be extended to the people of Mindanao and Sulu. In Re-constructing Colonial Philippines: Surprisingly, the pacification process was fast and relatively easy. There was hardly any resistance from the various indigenous communities in the Cordilleras, while Muslim resistance was scattered and unsustained.
A major reason for the American success was the cooperation extended by Muslim and Cordilleran leaders to the Americans. American military superiority prevailed and over a hundred Muslim men, women and children were killed. After the massacres, the army was forced slowly to concede authority to Manila and the Filipinos. Congress authorized its partial demobilization, and once the American president ordered its withdrawal from the special provinces and its replacement by Philippine Constabulary units.
Many American officers also preferred to continue their military careers in the U. All these problems emboldened the Filipinos to assert their political presence in these special provinces. This was something that a weakened military government could not repulse anymore. Inthe army conceded its power to the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, a body controlled from Manila and by Filipinos. Two major features therefore characterized the first decade of colonial rule.
First was the full and effective unification of Las Islas Filipinas under American rule, and second was the division of colony into two major zones of administration reflecting the histories of their respective populations.
These two zones were eventually unified under the Filipinization policy, but the distinctiveness upon which they were based continued to affect overall colonial development. McKenna zeroed in on Cotobato to describe how among Filipino Muslims, there was an interplay between outsiders, the Muslims as a whole, and among the Muslims themselves, between their leaders and the followers and subjects of the traditional leaders: The new datus of the colonial period were able to enhance their traditional status because of the power and wealth rhey had obtained through collaboration with American colonial authorities.
With the early abandonment of the policy of indirect rule, their political positions were not predicated on any official American recognition of their traditional right to rule Cotabato Muslims.
Instead, they were bestowed with ceremonial offices -as municipal district president, assemblyman, or occasionally senator- as tokens of their political ability to mediate between ordinary Maguindanaons and an alien colonial authority, and as rewards for their political willingness to ensure Muslim compliance with colonial aims.
In return for these services they received, besides the trappings and privileges of office, the opportunity to exploit new potential sources of wealth. Thery also retained control over the agrarian sector during the colonial period. They were nonetheless a dependent and sectional elite. Commerce was almost entirely controlled by the Chinese, and public administration remained exclusively in the hands of Christian Filipinos.
Dean Jorge Bocobo offers up dramatic readings from the book in his blog, Philippine Commentaryif you want more. Blogger reason is the reason points to the column today of Noralyn Mustafawho points out the more authentic identity of Muslims in the Philippines is whether one is Maguindanao, or Tausug, etc.: Albans School, managed by the Episcopalian Anglican church, affiliated with the Brent School system, where she was a member of the tennis and basketball teams, and was placed in the soprano section of the school and church choir.
Now, would she have agreed to having some barangays in Zamboanga City included in the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity? The Spanish authorities requested my grandfather to be the wazir of Sultan Haroun Al-Rashid of the Palawan royalty, probably to make him more acceptable to the Tausugs, in order to settle a bitter rivalry in succession between the more popular Datu Amirul Muhminin who would be proclaimed Sultan Jamalul Kiram II, the last sultan of Sulu and his brother.
In Palawan is a town called Batarasa. It is named after a sultan of Sulu. It is Tausug ancestral domain. And I am a Tausug. Let me be clear about my interpretation of events which I do not claim to be the definitive one by any means; this is only by way of explaining my approach to the problem.
This is supported by maps from the era. It is supported, further, by President Aguinaldo recognizing that sovereignty by inviting the Sultan of Sulu to incorporate his realm into that of the infant Philippine Republic, an invitation that was declined even as the Visayan Federal State accepted a similar invitation from Aguinaldo.
Whether Spain, in turn, up to that point having established a protectorate over the Sultanate of Sulu, handed over the sultanate with the rest of its Philippine territories is actually irrelevant. American sovereignty was extended over the Sultanate of Sulu through a combination of conquest and attractionand made binding by means of treaties.
The Americans, in turn, oscillated between separating Mindanao from the Philippines or keeping it part of the Philippines. This, in turn, led Christian politicians to cultivate some traditional Muslim leaders who then signed on to the concept of Filipino nationhood.